The South: Camping& Community

Authors: Lee, Becca, Katie Mattmiller
Week 12: 4-10 April 2011

Last week for Development class, we all traveled to Southern Namibia to learn more about community-based natural resource management. In Southern Namibia, resource management is primarily reflected through community-run campsites. We stayed at a few of these, and it was really interesting to hear from the owners of various campsites about how they started and, more significantly, about the role we played in

(Above: Hoachanas, Southern Namibia)

providing them with an income they may not otherwise have gotten. The first campsite we stayed at was Hoachanas, a relatively new campsite situated in a sparsely populated rural area. Because it was off-season for tourism, we were the first large group they have ever hosted. We then stayed in Berseba, at the base of Brukkaros Mountain. Although this site had no running water, they receive groups of visitors on a more regular basis. The last night we camped at Gondwana Kalahari Arib Lodge, a privately owned lodge that attracts tourists on a regular basis.

The first two campsites were located in areas with little tourist appeal, so it was interesting to consider the impact of our visit in the South altogether. It seemed as though we were almost providing them with false hope about the potential for future profits from their campsite. While the campsites seemed like a positive thing for the community in theory, in reality their location seems to hinder them from being a sustainable solution apart from the intermittent contributions of our program and visits from other smaller groups.

On the other hand, the last place we stayed was far more developed. Unlike the previous campsites that were very minimalistic, the lodge even had a pool and a bar. The fact that this location catered more to tourists—offering its customers activities such as game drives—seemed to be one of the many reasons it was more successful. While the community-owned campsites were managed on a public basis, the lodge was a privately-owned business that received contributions from shareholders. For this very reason, along with access to natural resources, they were able to more directly cater to the interests of tourists. Then again, this also raised the concern that the only way to protect natural resources is to stamp them with economic value. While this enterprise was certainly successful despite our contributions, it still seemed as though they were perpetuating the idea that resources are only valuable if you can make money off of them.

This uncertainty about our role in the South was reinforced further by our visit to a school in Berseba. We spent the morning helping other students paint part of the school building, and while our efforts may have been admirable, many of us left there wondering what we had really accomplished. Although it was simply a small community project, it seemed to reflect broader concerns about developmental actions that only provide temporary solutions. As with the campsites, we were worried about coming in as foreigners and providing temporary assistance that may only fall apart a year after we leave. Some of the people we worked with also expressed interest in visiting the United States, further causing us to question whether we were setting unrealistic expectations about the future relationship between our community and theirs. All things considered, it was a wonderful opportunity us to interact with students close to our age while working towards a common goal.

(Above: painting the school)

In the process of learning about community-based natural resource management, we found that it wasn’t as straightforward as it seemed. The communities are constantly facing problems of funding, resources, and visitor attraction.

(Left: Berseba Mountain)

Connections Between Race, Gender, and Oppression in Namibian Society

Authors: Amy, Lee, Joel
Week 11: 28 March – 3 April

During spring break, on Monday the 21^st of March, Namibia celebrated its 21^st year since independence (1990). Thus, Namibia is still a young country. At the inception of its Constitution, Namibia tried to reconcile the centuries-old structures of injustice such as white supremacy and patriarchy. Each of these systems are based on ideas of power and subjugation that has been successful in oppressing large parts of the population for generations. Week 11’s classes addressed these significant issues which are still barriers in the lives of many Namibians today.
(Right: Representation Locally)

This week in History, we received important insights into the ideas of racial superiority and separation that motivated the implementation of the apartheid system. Chris Botha, a professor at the University of Namibia, discussed with us the history and rationale of apartheid from the point of view of Afrikaners in South Africa. According to Botha, apartheid sprang from the Afrikaner idea of “volk.” The Afrikaners’ believed they were a group of people that shared culture, language, history and a special contract with God. This cultural identity, along with the constant struggle against both the native Africans and the English colonizers, gave the Afrikaners an intense sense of independence that drove most of their political decisions. Accordingly, they implemented a policy of apartheid, which is an Afrikaans word meaning separateness. First and foremost, apartheid was a sort of “economic empowerment scheme” for the Afrikaners - to distinguish their independence and self-image as a chosen race. These ideas quickly lead to the racial segregation evolved into the systematic form of racial oppression that we are familiar with today.
(Above: Representation Nationally)

This evolution of these ideas, including those of cultural supremacy, independence, and separation are still apparent today through many aspects of society. As students studying in Namibia, we have observed visible residential segregation, severe inequalities in income, racialized incidences of disease such as HIV/AIDS, and even blatant and open racist remarks against black Namibians. These lingering effects, while deeply tied to structural injustices ingrained in Namibian society during apartheid era, also expose the ideas that buttressed the apartheid system. Similar notions of superiority and oppression can also be found between genders as well.

Gender issues are also pervasive to the political, economic and social climate in Namibia today. It has a dominating presence in social awareness and contributes to countless abuse cases and oppression. Gender is the social construction of sex; it is what society believes to be the correct way for both women and men to behave. Through a system of gender dominance a relationship between gender and power is established. When we look at gender in society, critical inquiry can never be simply an understanding that women and men are treated differently as a social construct. Rather, it has to be signified that men are put into a position of privilege, that not only allows them to have superior status but also gives them power.

During our development class we went to visit Sister Namibia, an organization that is fighting for the rights of women and working to achieve gender equality. It started as a newspaper in 1989 and is now the go-to organization on gender issues in the country. Sister Namibia is influential in helping to increase feminist mentalities and empowerment. It has been a driving force behind increased gender awareness, demonstrated through a 50/50 “zebra” campaign for balanced male and female representation in government. Subsequently, there has been a large increase of elected women in politics, changing from 12% to 33.5% since independence (Magano, Sister Namibia).

(Above: History Class Picture)

Part of the mission of Sister Namibia is to increase the freedom of women in relation to sexual choices and bodily integrity. This can be achieved through lobbying for a more progressive abortion policy. While abortion is legal under certain conditions, there are so many hoops to jump through to have one, that in reality it is quite impossible. While striving for the liberalization of abortion, the greatest opposition has come from the system of patriarchy and the religious right which views abortion as tantamount to murder. This organization also feels the need to come together with other institutions as one voice to tackle a range of injustices in Namibian society. For example, it has been instrumental in the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trannsgender, and Intersex (LGBTI) rights movement by setting up the Rainbow project in Namibia. Even if it is primarily a feminist organization, it is also a human rights group. Sister Namibia continues working on bringing all people together as equals, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity or sexual orientation.

Present-day Namibian culture illustrates the similarities between race and gender that are reflected through social inequalities.

Exploring the North: Week 2

Authors: Arianna, Cassie, Patrick
Week 9: 14-20 March

On the second week of our travel seminar through the north of Namibia we visited Oshakati and Etosha. Our group was lucky enough to hear presentations from a variety of organizations that included the Etunda Irrigation Project, University of Namibia’s (UNAM) Oshakati Campus, and the Oshakati Town Council. As with every travel seminar that we have experienced so far, by the end we were left with more questions about Namibia than we had originally. We were exposed to a variety of perspectives which challenged us to critically think about certain views we had formed about Namibia.

(Left: UNAM Oshakati Campus)

Paulina Uugwanga, Director of the Oshakati Campus, informed us about her students, community engagement, and issues UNAM faces. Paulina made a statement that allowed me to reanalyze my consciousness about the dangers Namibian women were facing. Although I knew that Namibia has high rates of violence against women, teenage pregnancy, and other issues regarding the treatment of women, I had allowed them to become abstract issues within my consciences. Paulina informed us that female students are more vulnerable to violence, unwanted pregnancy, and assault because they live in their own neighborhoods, as UNAM does not have dormitories for students. In other words, female students face more danger in their homes and neighborhoods than they would if they lived on campus. This statement really struck me because the women she was talking about and the danger they faced were no longer abstract. I had seen many of these women while taking a tour of the campus. They were students just like me and these issues are the reality they are facing. How would I feel if this were my reality?
Furthermore, I understand that violence against women and unwanted pregnancy are major issues in Namibia, but it’s difficult for me to acknowledge it to this extent. I wonder if some of these women feel safer at UNAM than in their own homes. I am not in any way saying that the entire north of Namibia is a horrible dangerous place for all women unlike any in the world. What I am saying and what I am reanalyzing is how much I have allowed my consciousness to become desensitized to the dangers women are facing, within not only Namibia, but also around the world. How am I going to be more aware of the level of desensitization of my consciousness? At the same time I also have to be aware that this (Left: Group Photo and UNAM Oshakati Campus) was only one statement by one person (Pauline) and that I could have misinterpreted or misunderstood what she had told our group.

A prominent topic of discussion during our second week of the north was women’s roles in the north and how those roles contributed to their opportunities and treatment in society. At my (Cassie) home-stay, my meme was the head of the house in a sense. She ran everything, but that also meant that she was expected to do all of the work. She works as a nurse during the days and then gets home and starts cooking dinner. Afterwards she cleans all the dishes and takes care of my host nephew Junior. In the morning she wakes up before everyone to prepare breakfast. My host father retired five years earlier, so she had become the sole provider in terms of income as well. As dissimilar as some of (Above:Cassie at her homestay in the North) other CGE students found this to roles of women in the US, I actually saw this as similar. While there isn’t always an overt requirement of women to take care of the home on top of all their other responsibilities, this is often the case.

According to a University of Missouri study in USA Today, women in the US still do more housework and parenting then their husbands or male partners (website maybe?). I found this particularly interesting, because while the rights of women and the views on which rights they should have appear much more liberal in the US, they still occupy very similar roles to women in Namibia. I can’t help but wonder how two countries, which seemingly place very different value in women, still have them in the same roles? Another CGE student, Amanda, also found this to be an interesting case. Her host mother was a freedom fighter and a nurse, as well as someone who was very involved in political and social issues, but still had the view that women shouldn’t occupy a role such as President. I find it interesting that from my experience in Namibia, women take on such a large amount of the workload in a family life and are now also more involved in the work force, yet I have also experienced them as being valued as less important members of society than men. (Below: Cassie's host Grandmother's "traditional" house)

From our stay in the north, it was clear that many of us did not experience traditional families consisting of a mother, father, and children. Instead, we experienced families with cousins, uncles, and grandparents all living together in a variety of family dynamics. The role of the women in the household was greater for some because men were required to go to southern areas of the region to work on farms and therefore were away from home for long periods of time. These work methods put strain on the families because other members were required to take on a heavier share of the household work in the absence of those away on farms. The number of people working on farms away from their homes also showed the scarcity of jobs in the region and the lengths that needed to be taken in order for a family to earn a living and be able to support themselves. I can imagine that it would be very hard for a father to be away at a farm for months at a time, working daily, without being able to see his family and only being able to talk to them on the phone a few times a week. It would also be hard for a young child to have little contact with their father. These experiences help me appreciate the family I grew up in and the advantage of being in a home with both parents present.

Rural Home Stay: Expectations and Reality

Authors: Amanda, Lee, Katie McGonagle
Week 8: 7-13 March

Throughout the semester, one of the most anticipated experiences was the rural home stay. Going into the homestay, each of us had a lot of expectations including our own visions of what ‘rural’ entailed. Many of us were expecting “traditional” housing, food, and family structures, among other things. We expected a lack of access to many modern amenities such as running water, electricity, or indoor plumbing. However, what we found was very different from our expectations. It turns out that ‘rural’ does not always translate to ‘traditional.’ Students found a complex melding of the traditional and modern. Here are some of the student’s perspectives on their different experiences:

Katie’s Perspective: Housing

Driving to the North I was ecstatic—I couldn’t wait for my rural home stay! I spent most of the ride dreaming about what life would be like at my home stay—how different it would be from my life at home. After all, when have I ever lived in a hut? However, as we started to drop people off on Tuesday, I realized that my expectations may have been unrealistic. Most of the other students were being dropped off at houses similar to any that you would find in Katutura. At this, I started to question why I had assumed that ‘rural’ meant ‘traditional.’ Later, after being dropped off with at what seemed to be an open field, my host brother stopped me to warn me that they still lived in traditional housing. My heart skipped—I was actually going to get the experience (above: traditional kitchen) that I had romanticized and built up for myself.

However, it was much more complicated than that. My home stay house was comprised of a series of 13 traditional-style huts and 4 larger brick houses. All of these structures were surrounded by a series of fences made of tree branches and mahangu stalks. The fences divided the homestead into a series of areas which different members of the family inhabited. Although there were so many huts, around half of the people sleeping quarters and the kitchen (which included and stove, oven, and refrigerator) were located in the brick houses. This stark contrast of two seemingly different ways of life existing within the same home made me realize that life in rural Namibia is not monotone or static—it is fluid and is influenced by both local traditions and more western-influenced lifestyles.

Amanda’s Perspective: Food

Another aspect of the intersectionality of the ideas of “traditional and modern” presented itself through our experiences with food. For many of the students, food has been a form of comfort and enjoyment in an environment that we are somewhat unfamiliar with. Chips—French fries—from Tom Thumb have turned into the new college food alternative for Wings or Dominoes Pizza. The food at my home stay was a mix of food that I was used to and food that was foreign to me. Also, when I got there, I was shown the kitchen in the house complete with stove, oven, and microwave, and then shown the traditional, outdoor kitchen complete with stones, wood and fire. An example of the melding of traditional and modern through food was displayed in the first night of my home stay. We had plain spaghetti with fish (cooked on the stove indoors) that still had all the bones and head intact—a scene from the movie A Christmas Story flashed before me: “It’s smiling at me!" (right: modern kitchen)

On the last night of my home stay, my host mother made me a traditional feast using both the modern and traditional kitchens. Oshithema (made out of mahangu) and traditional chicken was served. Before we started eating at the table with plates and forks, my host mother offered me rice as an alternative to oshithema. When I assured her that I wanted to experience dinner the traditional way, she took out a woven platter, plopped the oshithema onto it and put the plates and forks away. She proceeded to bring us outside to sit on the ground in the traditional kitchen. I was told that traditionally you eat the food with your right hand, the youngest gets the food last, and they must not take meat themselves but should instead wait to have an elder present them with meat. Also, never put your hand on the ground! I was told that in a traditional setting you would be physically punished because it is disrespectful. I found that the food is still bound by many aspects of traditional life as well as contributed to with modern cooking techniques.

Lee’s Perspective: Family Structure

Our rural home stays in the North were a significant learning experience in the dichotomies of expectation versus reality and traditional versus modern. Our preparation was infused with warnings about just how different our lives would be for the week we were with our families. So, even though a mind free from preconceived notions and unjustified expectations was encouraged, our anticipation made them inevitable. Personally, I was expecting a home rigidly defined by traditional gender roles, with perhaps a male who called the shots and a subservient female who listened. Traditional, in my mind, seemed to be defined by the idea of father-figure who worked outside the home, as well as a mother-figure who stayed at home to look after children and household chores.
(left: brick houses)

However, my initial expectations were (as should have been obvious) wrong. Because of migrant labor that keeps my host dad in Windhoek most of the time, my host mom jumped into the role of “head of household.” I have to wonder whether her assertiveness would have been overshadowed had her husband lived in the house. The idea of a traditional household arrangement was also challenged by my host mother’s paid job outside of the home—one that left her housework and children to the care of a live-in “helper.” Certainly my initial expectations were proven wrong by the reality of my home stay as I learned to recognize the prevailing contrast between traditional and modern ways of life.